Men Among the Ruins:
Post-War Reflections of a Radical Traditionalist by Julius Evola
Reviewed by E. Christian Kopff
Baron Julius Evola (1899-1974) was an important Italian intellectual, although he despised the term. As poet and painter, he was the major Italian representative of Dadaism (1916-1922). Later he became the leading Italian exponent of the intellectually rigorous esotericism of René Guénon (1886- 1951). He enjoyed an international reputation as the author of books on magic, alchemy and eastern religious traditions and won the respect of such important scholars as Mircea Eliade and Giuseppe Tucci. His book on early Buddhism, The Doctrine of Awakening,1 which was translated in 1951, established his reputation among English-speaking esotericists. In 1983, Inner Traditions International, directed by Ehud Sperling, published Evola’s 1958 book, The Metaphysics of Sex, which it reprinted as Eros and the Mysteries of Love in 1992, the same year it published his 1949 book on Tantra, The Yoga of Power.2
The marketing appeal of the topic of sex is obvious. Both books, however, are serious studies, not sex manuals. Since then Inner Traditions has reprinted The Doctrine of Awakening and published many of Evola’s esoteric books, including studies of alchemy and magic3, and what Evola himself considered his most important exposition of his beliefs, Revolt Against the Modern World.4
In Europe Evola is known not only as an esotericist, but also as a brilliant and incisive right-wing thinker. During the 1980’s most of his books, New Age and political, were translated into French under the aegis of Alain de Benoist, the leader of the French Nouvelle Droite.5 Books and articles by Evola have been translated into German and published in every decade since the 1930’s.6
Discussion of Evola’s politics reached
With the publication of Men Among the Ruins: Post-War Reflections of a Radical Traditionalist,11 English speakers can read Evola’s political views for themselves. They will find that the text, in Guido Stucco’s workman-like translation, edited by Michael Moynihan, is guarded by a double firewall. Joscelyn Godwin’s “Foreword” answers Jay Kinney’s hysterical diatribe of 1990. Godwin defends publishing Evola’s political writings by an appeal to “academic freedom,” which works “with the tools of rationality and scholarship, unsullied by emotionality or subjective references” and favors making all of Evola’s works available because “it would be academically dishonest to suppress anything.” Godwin’s high praise for The Doctrine of Awakening implicitly condemns Kinney’s ignorance. Evola’s books on esoteric topics reveal “one of the keenest minds in the field . . . The challenge to esotericists is that when Evola came down to earth, he was so ‘incorrect’ – by the received standards of our society. He was no fool; and he cannot possibly have been right . . . so what is one to make of it?”
Godwin’s “Preface” is followed by an introduction of more than 100 pages by Austrian esotericist H. T. Hansen on “Julius Evola’s Political Endeavors,” translated from the 1991 German version of Men Among the Ruins,12 with additional notes and corrections (called “Preface to the American Edition”). Hansen’s introduction to Revolt Against the Modern World13 is, with Robin Waterfield’s Gnosis essay, the best short introduction to Evola in English. His longer essay is essential for serious students, and Inner Traditions deserves warm thanks for publishing it. The major book on Evola is Christophe Boutin, Politique et Tradition: Julius Evola dans le siècle (1898-1974).14
Readers of books published by Inner Traditions might have guessed
Evola’s politics. The Mystery of the Grail,15 first published in 1937, praises
Visionary Among Italian Conservative Revolutionaries Evola was not only an important figure in Guénon’s Integral Traditionalism, but also the leading Italian exponent of the Conservative Revolution in Germany, which included Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, Gottfried Benn, and Ernst Jünger.17 From 1934-43, Evola was editor of what we would now call the “op-ed” page of a major Italian newspaper (Regime Fascista) and published Conservative Revolutionaries and other right-wing and traditionalist authors.18 He corresponded with Schmitt19, translated Spengler’s Decline of the West and Jünger’s An der Zeitmauer (At the Time Barrier) into Italian and wrote the best introduction to Jünger’s Der Arbeiter (The Worker), “The Worker” in Ernst Jünger’s Thought.20
Spengler has been well served by translation into English, but other important figures of the Conservative Revolution had to wait a long time. Carl Schmitt’s major works have been translated only in the past few decades.21 Jünger’s most important work of social criticism, Der Arbeiter, has never been translated.22 The major scholarly book on the movement has never been translated, either.23 It is a significant statement on the limits of expression in the United States that so many leftist mediocrities are published, while major European thinkers of the rank of Schmitt, Jünger and Evola have to wait so long for translation, if the day ever comes. It is certainly intriguing that a New Age press has undertaken the translation and publishing of Evola’s books, with excellent introductions.
The divorced wife of a respected free market economist once remarked to me, “Yale used to say that conservatives were just old-fashioned liberals.”24 People who accept that definition will be flabbergasted by Julius Evola. Like Georges Sorel, Oswald Spengler, Whittaker Chambers and Régis Debray, Evola insists that liberals and communists are in fundamental agreement on basic principles. This agreement is significant, because for Evola politics is an expression of basic principles and he never tires of repeating his own. The transcendent is real. Man’s knowledge of his relationship to transcendence has been handed down from the beginning of human culture. This is Tradition, with a capital T. Human beings are tri-partite: body, soul and spirit. State and society are hierarchical and the clearer the hierarchy, the healthier the society. The worst traits of the modern world are its denial of transcendence, reductionist vision of man and egalitarianism.
These traits come together in what Evola called “la daimonìa dell’economia,” translated by Stucco as “the demonic nature of the economy.”25 Real men exist to attain knowledge of the transcendent and to strive and accomplish heroically. The economy is only a tool to provide the basis for such accomplishments and to sustain the kind of society that permits the best to attain sanctity and greatness. The modern world denies this vision.
In both individual and collective life the economic factor is the most important, real, and decisive one . . . An economic era is already by definition a fundamentally anarchical and anti-hierarchical era; it represents a subversion of the normal order . . . This subversive character is found in both Marxism and in its apparent nemesis, modern capitalism. Thus, it is absurd and deplorable for those who pretend to represent the political ‘Right’ to fail to leave the dark and small circle that is determined by the demonic power of the economy – a circle including capitalism, Marxism, and all the intermediate economic degrees. This should be firmly upheld by those today who are taking a stand against the forces of the Left. Nothing is more evident than that modern capitalism is just as subversive as Marxism. The materialistic view of life on which both systems are based is identical.26 Most conservatives do not like the leftist hegemony we live under, but they still want to cling to some aspect of modernity to preserve a toehold on respectability. Evola rejected the Enlightenment project lock, stock and barrel, and had little use for the Renaissance and the Reformation. His books ask us to take seriously the attempt to imagine an intellectual and political world that radically rejects the leftist worldview. He insists that those really opposed to the leftist regime, the true Right, are not embarrassed to use words like reactionary and counter revolutionary. If you are afraid of these words, you do not have the courage to stand up to the modern world.
He also countenances the German expression, Conservative Revolution, if properly understood. Revolution is acceptable only if it is true re-volution, a turning back to origins. Conservatism is valid only when it preserves the true Tradition. So loyalty to the bourgeois order is a false conservatism, because on the level of principle, the bourgeoisie is an economic class, not a true aristocracy. That is one reason why at the end of his life, Evola was planning a right-wing journal to be called The Reactionary, in conscious opposition to the leading Italian conservative magazine, Il Borghese, “The Bourgeois.”
For Evola the state creates the nation, not the opposite. Although Evola
maintained a critical distance from Fascism and never joined the Fascist
Party,27 here he was in substantial agreement with Mussolini and the famous
article on “Fascism” in the Enciclopedia Italiana, authored by the philosopher
and educator, Giovanni Gentile. He disagreed strongly with the official
philosophy of 1930’s
Evola saw his mission as finding men who could be initiated into a real
warrior aristocracy, the Hindu kshatriya, to carry out
Egalitarianism, Fascism, Race, and Roman Catholicism Despite his criticism of the demagogic and populist aspects of Fascism and National Socialism, Evola believed that under their aegis Italy and Germany had turned away from liberalism and communism and provided the basis for a return to aristocracy, the restoration of the castes and the renewal of a social order based on Tradition and the transcendent. Even after their defeat in World War II, Evola believed that the fight was not over, although he became increasingly discouraged and embittered in the decades after the war. (Pain from a crippling injury suffered in an air raid may have contributed to this feeling.)
Although Evola believed that the transcendent was essential for a true
revival, he did not look to the Catholic Church for leadership. Men Among the
Ruins was published in 1953, when the official position of the Church was still
strongly anti-Communist and Evola had lived through the 1920s and 1930s when
After the times of De Maistre, Bonald, Donoso Cortés, and the Syllabus
have passed, Catholicism has been characterized by political maneuvering . . . Inevitably,
the Church’s sympathies must gravitate toward a democratic-liberal political
system. Moreover, Catholicism had for a long time espoused the theory of
‘natural right,’ which hardly agrees with the positive and differentiated
right, on which a strong and hierarchical State can be built . . . Militant
Catholics like Maritain had revived Bergson’s formula according to which
‘democracy is essentially evangelical’; they tried to demonstrate that the
democratic impulse in history appears as a temporal manifestation of the
authentic Christian and Catholic spirit . . . By now, the categorical
condemnations of modernism and progressivism are a thing of the past . . . When
today’s Catholics reject the ‘medieval residues’ of their tradition; when
Vatican II and its implementations have pushed for debilitating forms of
‘bringing things up to date’; when popes uphold the United Nations (a
ridiculous hybrid and illegitimate organization) practically as the
prefiguration of a future Christian ecumene – this leaves no doubt in which
direction the Church is being dragged. All things considered, Catholicism’s
capability of providing an adequate support for a revolutionary-conservative
and traditionalist movement must be resolutely denied.29 Although his 1967
analysis mentions Vatican II, Evola’s position on the Catholic Church went back
to the 1920’s, when after his early Dadaism he was developing a philosophy
based on the traditions of India, the Far East and ancient Rome under the
influence of Arturo Reghini (1878-1946).30 Reghini introduced Evola to Guénon’s
ideas on Tradition and his own thinking on Roman “Pagan Imperialism” as an
alternative to the Twentieth Century’s democratic ideals and plutocratic
reality. Working with a leading Fascist ideologue, Giuseppe Bottai (1895-1959),
Evola wrote a series of articles in Bottai’s Critica Fascista in 1926-27,
Evola’s articles enjoyed a national succès de scandale and he expanded
them into a book, Imperialismo Pagano (1928), which provoked a heated debate
involving many Fascist and Catholic intellectuals, including, significantly,
Giovanni Battista Montini (1897-1978), who, when Evola published the second
edition of Men Among the Ruins in 1967, had become the liberal Pope Paul VI.
Meanwhile, Mussolini was negotiating with Pope Pius XI (1857-1939) for a
reconciliation in which the Church would give its blessings to his regime in
return for protection of its property and official recognition as the religion
Evola later regretted the tone of his polemic, but he also pointed out
that the fact that this debate took place gave the lie direct to extreme
assertions about lack of freedom of speech in Fascist Italy. Evola has been
vindicated on the main point. The Catholic Church accepts liberal democracy and
even defends it as the only legitimate regime.
Those who want to distance Evola from Fascism emphasize the debate over
Pagan Imperialism. For several years afterwards Fascist toughs harassed Evola,
until he won the patronage of Roberto Farinacci, the Fascist boss of
Despite what is generally thought, I was not at all irritated by Doctor
Julius Evola’s pronouncements made a few months before the Conciliation on the
modification of relations between the Holy See and
Evola accepts the Traditional division of man into body, soul and spirit and argues that there are races of all three.
While in a ‘pure blood’ horse or cat the biological element constitutes the central one, and therefore racial considerations can be legitimately restricted to it, this is certainly not the case with man, or at least any man worthy of the name . . . Therefore racial treatment of man can not stop only at a biological level.36 Just as the state creates the people and the nation, so the spirit forms the races of body and soul. Evola had done considerable research on the history of racial studies and wrote a history of racial thought from Classical Antiquity to the 1930’s, The Blood Myth: The Genesis of Racism.37 Evola knew that in addition to the tradition of scientific racism, represented by Gobineau, Houston Steward Chamberlain, Alfred Rosenberg, and Landra was one that appreciated extra- or super-biological elements and whose adherents included Montaigne, Herder, Fichte, Gustave Le Bon, and Evola’s contemporary and friend, Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss, a German biologist at the University of Berlin.38
Hansen has a thorough discussion of “Evola’s Attitude Toward the Jews.” Evola thought that the negative traits associated with Jews were spiritual, not physical. So a biological Jew might have an Aryan soul or spirit and biological Aryans might – and did – have a Semitic soul or spirit. As Landra saw, this was the end of any politically useful scientific racism. The greatest academic authority on Fascism, Renzo de Felice argued in The Jews in Fascism Italy that Evola’s theories are wrong, but that they have a distinguished intellectual ancestry, and Evola argued for them in an honorable way.39 In recent years, Bill Clinton was proclaimed America’s first black president. This instinctive privileging of style over biology is in line with Evola’s views.
Hansen does not discuss Evola’s views on Negroes, to which Christophe
Boutin devotes several pages of Politique et Tradition.40 In his 1968
collection of essays, The Bow and the Club,41 there is a chapter on “America
Negrizzata,” which argues that, while there was relatively little miscegenation
in the United States, the Telluric or Negro spirit has had considerable
influence on the quality of American culture. The 1972 edition of Men Among the
Ruins ends with an “Appendix on the Myths of our Time,” of which number IV is
“Taboos of our Times.”42 The two taboos discussed forbid a frank discussion of
the “working class,” common in
At the end of Men Among the Ruins, instead of the Appendix of the 1972 edition, stands Evola’s 1951 Autodifesa, the speech he gave in his own defense when he was tried by the Italian democracy for “defending Fascism,” attempting to reconstitute the dissolved Fascist Party” and being the “master” and inspirer” of young Neo-Fascists.44 Like Socrates, he was accused of not worshipping the gods of the democracy and of corrupting youth. When he asked in open court where in his published writings he had defended “ideas proper to Fascism,” the prosecutor, Dr. Sangiorgi, admitted that there were no such passages, but that the general spirit of his works promoted “ideas proper to Fascism,” such as monocracy, hierarchism, aristocracy or elitism. Evola responded.
I should say that if such are the terms of the accusation,45 I would be
honored to see, seated at the same bank of accusation, such people as
Aristotle, Plato, the Dante of De Monarchia, and so on up to Metternich and
Bismarck. In the same spirit as a Metternich, a Bismarck,46 or the great
Catholic philosophers of the principle of authority, De Maistre and Donoso
Cortés, I reject all that which derives, directly or indirectly, from the
French Revolution and which, in my opinion, has as its extreme consequence
bolshevism; to which I counterpose the ‘world of Tradition.’ . . . My
principles are only those that, before the French Revolution, every well-born
person considered sane and normal.47 Evola’s Autodifesa was more effective than
Socrates’ Apology, since the jury found him “innocent” of the charges. (Italian
juries may find a defendant “innocent,” “not guilty for lack of proof,” or
“guilty.”) Evola noted in his speech, “Some like to depict Fascism as an
‘oblique tyranny.’48 During that ‘tyranny’ I never had to undergo a situation
like the present one.” Evola was no lackey of the Fascist regime. He attacked
conciliation with the
Inner Traditions and the Holmes Publishing Group49 have published
translations of most of Evola’s esoteric writings and some important political
books. Will they go on to publish the rest of his oeuvre? Joscelyn Godwin,
after all, wrote, “It would be intellectually dishonest to suppress anything.”
Evola’s book on Ernst Jünger might encourage a translation of Der Arbeiter.
Riding the Tiger50 explains how the “differentiated man” (uomo differenziato)
can maintain his integrity in the Dark Age. It bears the same relation to Men
Among the Ruins that Aristotle’s Ethics bears to his Politics and, although
published later, was written at the same time.51 There are brilliant essays in
The Bow and the Club, but can a book be published in contemporary
The most challenging book for readers who enjoy Men Among the Ruins is Fascism Seen from the Right, with its appendix, “Notes on the Third Reich,”52 where Evola criticizes both regimes as not right-wing enough. A world respectful of communism and liberalism (and accustomed to using the word “Fascist” as an angry epithet) will find it hard to appreciate a book critical, but not disrespectful, of il Ventennio (the Twenty Years of Fascist rule). I would suggest beginning with the short pamphlet, Orientamenti (Orientations),53 which Evola composed in 1950 as a summary of the doctrine of Men Among the Ruins.
Hansen quotes right-wing Italians who say that Evola’s influence discourages political action because his Tradition comes from an impossibly distant past and assumes an impossibly transcendent truth and a hopelessly pessimistic view of the present. Yet Evola confronts the modern world with an absolute challenge. Its materialism, egalitarianism, feminism, and economism are fundamentally wrong. The way out is through rejecting these mistakes and returning to spirit, transcendence and hierarchy, to the Männerbund and the Legionary Spirit. It may be discouraging to think that we are living in a Dark Age, but the Kali Yuga is also the end of a cosmic cycle. When the current age ends, a new one will begin. This is not Spengler’s biologistic vision, where our civilization is an individual, not linked to earlier ones and doomed to die without offspring, like all earlier ones.54
We are linked to the past by Tradition and when the Dark Age comes to an end, Tradition will light the way to new greatness and accomplishment. We may live to see that day. If not, what will survive is the legionary spirit Evola described in Orientamenti:
It is the attitude of a man who can choose the hardest road, fight even when he knows that the battle is materially lost and live up to the words of the ancient saga, ‘Loyalty is stronger than fire!’ Through him the traditional idea is asserted, that it is the sense of honor and of shame – not halfway measures drawn from middle class moralities – that creates a substantial, existential difference among beings, almost as great as between one race and another race. If anything positive can be accomplished today or tomorrow, it will not come from the skills of agitators and politicians, but from the natural prestige of men both of yesterday but also, and more so, from the new generation, who recognize what they can achieve and so vouch for their idea.55 This is the ideal of Oswald Spengler’s Roman soldier, who died at this post at Pompeii as the sky fell on him, because he had not been relieved. We do not need programs and marketing strategies, but men like that. “It is men, provided they are really men, who make and unmake history.”56 Evola’s ideal continues to speak to the right person. “Keep your eye on just one thing: to remain on your feet in a world of ruins.”
1. La dottrina
2. Lo Yoga della
3. Introduzione alla magia quale scienza del’Io, 3 volumes,
4. Rivolta contro il mondo moderno,
5. Robin Waterfield gives a useful bibliography at the end of his Gnosis essay (note 8, below) p. 17.
6. Karlheinz Weissman, “Bibliographie” in Menschen immitten von Ruinen, Tübingen, 1991, pp. 403-406, e.g., Heidnischer Imperialismus, Leipzig, 1933; Erhebung wider die moderne Welt, Stuttgart, 1935; Revolte gegen die moderne Welt, Berlin, 1982; Den Tiger Reiten, Vilsborg, 1997.
7. Thomas Sheehan, “Myth and Violence: The Fascism of Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist,” Social Research 48: 1981, pp. 45-73; Franco Ferraresi, “Julius Evola: tradition, reaction and the Radical Right,” Archives européennes de sociologie 28: 1987, pp. 107-151; Richard Drake, “Julius Evola and the Ideological Origins of the Radical Right in Contemporary Italy,” in Peter H. Merkl, (ed.), Political Violence and Terror: Motifs and Motivations, Berkeley, 1986, pp. 61- 89; idem, The Revolutionary Mystique and Terrorism in Contemporary Italy, Bloomington, 1989.
8. Robin Waterfield, “Baron Julius Evola and the Hermetic Tradition,” Gnosis 14:1989-90, pp. 12-17.
9. Elémire Zolla, “The Evolution of Julius Evola’s Thought,” Gnosis 14: 1989- 90, pp. 18-20.
10. Jay Kinney, “Who’s Afraid of the Bogeyman? The Phantasm of Esoteric Terrorism,” Gnosis 14: 1989-90, pp. 21-24.
11. Gli uomini e le rovine,
12. H. T. Hansen, “Julius Evolas politisches Wirken,” Menshen immitten von Ruinen (note 6, above) pp. 7-131.
13. H. T. Hansen, “A Short Introduction to Julius Evola” in Revolt Against the Modern World, Rochester, VT, 1995, ix-xxii, translated from Hansen’s article in Theosophical History 5, January 1994, pp. 11-22.
14. Christophe Boutin, Politique et Tradition: Julius Evola dans le siècle, 1898-1974;
15. Il mistero del Graal e la tradizione ghibellina dell’Impero,
16. René Gu non, Crise du monde moderne (
17. H. T. Hansen, “Julius Evola und die deutsche konservative Revolution,” Criticón 158 (April/Mai/June 1998) pp. 16-32.
18. Diorema: Antologia della pagina special di “Regime Fascista,” Marco Tarchi, (ed.)
19. Lettere di Julius Evola a Carl Schmitt. 1951-1963,
20. L”Operaio” nel pensiero di Ernst Jünger (
21. The Concept of the Political, New Brunswick, NJ, 1976; The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy, Cambridge, MA, 1985; Political Theology, Cambrige, MA, 1985; Political Romanticism, Cambridge, MA, 1986. Recent commentary includes Paul Gottfried, Carl Schmitt: Politics and Theory,
22. Ernst Jünger, Der Arbeiter. Herrschaft und Gestalt, Hamburg, 1932, was translated into Italian in 1985.
23. Armin Mohler, Die konservative Revolution in Deutschland, 1918-1932. Stuttgart, 1950, revised and expanded in 1972, 1989, 1994, 1999.
24. Panajotis Kondylis, Conservativismus: Geschichtlicher Gehalt und Untergang, Stuttgart, 1986, devotes 553 pages to this theme.
25. My impression is that daimonìa dell’economia implies “demonic possession by the economy.” In Orientamenti (see note 53, below), Evola writes of “l’allucinazione e la daimonìa dell’economia,” “hallucination and demonic possession.”
26. Men Among the Ruins: Post-War Reflections of a Radical Traditionalist,
27. Evola applied for membership in the Fascist Party in 1939 in order to enlist in the army as an officer, but in vain for reasons discussed by Hansen (note 26, above) xiii. The application was found by Dana Lloyd Thomas, “Quando Evola du degradato,” Il Borghese,
28. Evola cites Heinrich Schurtz, Altersklassen und Männerbünde: Eine Darstellung der Grundformen der Gesellschaft, Berlin, 1902; A. van Gennep, Les rites du passage, Paris, 1909; The Rites of Passage, Chicago, 1960.
29. Men Among the Ruins (note 26, above) pp. 210-211; Gli uomini e le rovine (note 11, above) pp. 15-151. “A ridiculous hybrid and illegitimate organization” translates questa ridicola associazione ibrida e bastarda.
30. Elémire Zolla gives the essentials about Reghini’s influence on Evola in his Gnosis essay (note 9, above).
31. Imperialismo Pagano,
32. Richard Drake, “Julius Evola, Radical Fascism, and the Lateran Accords,” Catholic Historical Review 74, 1988, pp. 403-319; E. Christian Kopff. “Italian Fascism and the
33. Yvon de Begnac, Taccuini Mussoliniani, Francesco Perfetti, (ed.),
35. Sintesi di dottrina della razza, Milan, 1941; Grundrisse der faschistischen Rassenlehre , Berlin, 1943.
36. Sintesi di dottrina della razza (note 35, above) p. 35. Since Hansen (note 26, above) 71 uses the German translation (note 12, above) 90, the last sentence reads “Fascist racial doctrine (Die faschistischen Rassenlehre) therefore holds a purely biological view of race to be inadequate.”
38. Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss, Rasse und Seele. Eine Einführung in den Sinn der leiblichen Gestalt, Munich, 1937; Rasse ist Gestalt, Munich, 1937.
39. Renzo de Felice, The Jews in Fascist Italy: A History,
40. Boutin (note 14, above) pp. 197-200.
41. L’Arco e la clava,
42. Gli uomini e le rovine (note 11, above) Appendice sui miti
43. Gli uomini e le rovine (note 11, above) p. 276: la tabuizzazione che porta fino ad evitare l’uso della designazione “negro,” per le sue implicazioni “offensive.”
44. J. Evola, Autodifesa (Quaderni di testi Evoliani, no. 2) (
45. Banco degli accusati is what is called in
46. At this point, according to Autodifesa (note 44, above) p. 4, Evola’s lawyer, Franceso Carnelutti, called out, “La polizia è andata in cerca anche di costoro.” (“The police have gone to look for them, too.”)
47. Men Among the Ruins (note 25, above) pp. 293-294; Autodifesa (note 44, above) pp. 10-11.
48. Bieca is literally “oblique,” but in this context means rather “grim, sinister.”
49. Holmes Publishing Group (Edwards, WA) has published shorter works by Evola edited by the Julius Evola Foundation in Rome, e.g. René Guénon: A Teacher for Modern Times; Taoism: The Magic of Mysticism; Zen: The Religion of the Samurai; The Path of Enlightenment in the Mithraic Mysteries.
50. Cavalcare la
51. Gianfranco de Turris, “Nota del Curatore,” Cavalcare la
52. Il Fascismo,
53. Orientamenti (
54. J. Evola, Spengler e “Il tramonto dell’Occidente” (Quaderni di testi Evoliani, no. 14) (
55. Orientamenti, (note 53, above), p. 12; somewhat differently translated by Hansen (note 26, above) p. 101.
56. Orientamenti (note 53, above) p. 16. Hansen (note 26, above) p. 93 translates “It is humans, as far as they are truly human, that make history or tear it down,” reflecting the German (note 12, above) p. 118: “Es sind die Menschen, sofern sie wahrhaft Menschen sind, die die Geschichte machen oder sie niederreissen.” The parallel sentence in Men Among the Ruins (note 11, above) p. 109: sono gli uomini, finché sono veramente tali, a fare o a disfare la storia, is translated by Stucco (note 26, above) p. 181: “It is men who make or undo history.” He omits finché sono veramente tali, but gets the meaning of uomini right.